In This Moment












Author of "Embracing Auschwitz" and "Mensch•Marks: Life Lessons of a Human Rabbi - Wisdom for Untethered Times." Winner of the Rockower Award, the highest honor in Jewish journalism and 2019 Religion News Association Award for Excellence in Commentary. Musings of a rabbi, journalist, father, husband, poodle-owner, Red Sox fan and self-proclaimed mensch, taken from essays, columns, sermons and thin air. Writes regularly in the New York Jewish Week and Times of Israel.
In This Moment












In the wake of President Trump’s refusal to disavow white supremacy at last month’s first presidential debate, the Jewish Democratic Council released a powerful 30 second ad making the direct comparison between Trump’s tactics and the rise of fascism in 1930s Germany. Many cried foul, including the Anti-Defamation League, though prominent Jews like historian Deborah Lipstadt and former ADL director Abe Foxman sympathized with the ad’s message.
So the question that has hovered over political debates and cocktail party conversations for decades once again came to the fore: Is it ever appropriate to use Holocaust analogies, and if so, when?
Yes it is appropriate, when done judiciously and respectfully and when necessary. It is both appropriate and necessary with regard to Trump and Trumpism.
In my house, back when my kids were growing up, we had the Anne Frank Rule.
One night during a school vacation, my family was engaged in a stimulating round of “Apples to Apples”—that popular game where a rotating judge picks a descriptive card (like “refreshing,” or “feh!”) and other contestants select cards that they hope the judge will consider the best possible match (like “Passover” and “Alan Dershowitz”). Naturally, we were playing the Jewish version.
This particular game was one of our all-timers. It came down to the final hand, with my two sons and me each having a chance to win. With the game on the line, we doubled the stakes and pulled out two descriptive cards: “odd” and “offensive.”
My sons played “Crown Heights,” “my bedroom,” “J-Date” and “Dennis Prager.” I suppose any of those could have been the best match. But I held the trump card in my hand. You see, I had just drawn “Anne Frank.” We have a little rule in my family, one suggested to us by a close friend. Whoever plays the “Anne Frank” card automatically wins that hand. No questions asked. The idea is that it would be offensive to Anne’s memory, and by extension, all Holocaust victims, for Anne to lose to, say, “Joan Rivers” or “potato kugel.”
But here, the exact opposite would be occurring. Anne would win for matching “odd” and “offensive.” How could we shame her in this way?
I succumbed to that logic and pulled back the card. I lost the battle but won the war, as my family then engaged in a dialogue about how, just as Anne’s is no normal card, the Holocaust is not just any old piece of the Jewish identity puzzle.
The “Anne Frank Rule” applies to our culture writ large just as it works for “Apples to Apples.” Once the Holocaust is invoked in an argument, it usually is game, set and match—but only when the subject is raised at the proper time and by the proper person, and only if it is not overused. The Holocaust has been brought into so many political arguments, on all sides of the spectrum, that a new rule was created: Godwin’s Law, stating that if a discussion continues long enough, inevitably someone or something will be compared to Hitler, which ends the discussion.
The Shoah offers numerous potential lessons that can be applied to contemporary situations, but it’s debatable as to which analogies “work.” Comparing any concession in international negotiations to the appeasement at Munich, for instance, is a tactic that has been so overused that its potency has been drained. Google “Netanyahu” and “Munich,” for instance, and you get over 1,080.000 results. And President Trump was totally out of line when he recently compared New York City’s crackdown on Orthodox Jewish anti-lockdown demonstrations to Nazi-era roundups.
So the Holocaust card, like the Anne Frank card, must be played sparingly and with due deliberation.
But in the Trump era, all bets are off.
When the Holocaust-related term “Concentration Camps” was used in July of 2019, in describing the crowded and squalid detention facilities used by the Trump administration for asylum seekers and other refugees at the U.S.-Mexican border, the U.S. Holocaust Museum cried foul. I winced a bit myself. But in an essay for Slate, Yale historian Timothy Snyder explained how and when Holocaust analogies are not only appropriate, they are necessary.
“To forbid analogies makes the Holocaust irrelevant to future generations. If an American child can identify with Anne Frank, an American child might ask what it is like for immigrant children to be separated from their parents. To forbid analogies is to forbid learning, and to forbid empathizing . . . The point of historical comparisons is not to seek a perfect match— which can never be found—but to learn how to look out for warning signs.”
Even Michael Godwin, the originator of Godwin’s Law tweeted after Charlottesville that his law had met its match in the Trump era. “By all means, compare these (expletive)-heads to the Nazis,” he wrote. “Again and again. I’m with you.”
The use of the Shoah in conversations about refugees or hate groups is completely appropriate, especially in light of the hundreds of thousands of Jews who were turned away at the door to freedom, including—it must be noted—the family of Anne Frank, whose father Otto sought to bring his family to America. Had she survived, Anne Frank would have turned 90 last year—and she could have lived a perfectly uneventful, happy life.
Holocaust analogies should be used sparingly, to be sure, but when used appropriately, there is no question as to who has the moral authority to play that card. Jews do.
I’ve never been a big fan of calling the Jews a “chosen people.” Still, I never saw the concept as a signal of superiority, but rather as a summons and a responsibility, to bring Sinai’s vision of holiness, justice and love to the world. Chosenness still calls on us to strive to repair the world, as it did at Sinai; but now our moral voice has been amplified 10 times over by historical experience. When Jews invoke Auschwitz, the world listens— because we were there. Many hate us for that, especially if they idealize fascism. Others admire us. But everyone listens.
We need to hold the Anne Frank card close to our vest, play it when necessary, and appreciate the moral power of its message.
And that message has never been more relevant than right now.
Rabbi Joshua Hammerman is author, most recently, of “Embracing Auschwitz: Forging a Vibrant, Life-Affirming Judaism that Takes the Holocaust Seriously” (Ben Yehuda Press, 2020).






On the first day of Rosh Hashanah, I did something I never would have considered doing before this crazy year — and yet it was a gesture that felt perfectly natural and logical, given what we’ve experienced. So natural, in fact, that I wonder how many rabbis did the same thing.
I took a knee, to demonstrate an unwavering solidarity with the most important social justice movement of our time, Black Lives Matter.

Yes, Black Lives Matter – and it matters that Jews unequivocally share in this moment of activism. As author Ibram X. Kendi has stated, we can’t simply be “not racist” – we need to be anti-racist.
Some people don’t like that slogan Black Lives Matter, retorting, “All lives matter.” And it’s true. Every human life is of infinite value.
But we need to start with the group that has been victimized systemically for centuries, the group with the knee on the neck. What has long been implied now needs to be stated clearly – When we say ‘Black Lives Matter,” what we are really saying is, “Black Lives Matter, TOO!”
It’s a very Jewish thing: The first principle of rabbinical interpretation is called a Kal Vachomer. And this is a classic Kal Vachomer – an a fortiori argument where the “lesser” proves the greater. Black lives should absolutely not be considered of lesser value than other lives, but they unfortunately have been – even enshrined as such in the three-fifth clause of the U.S. Constitution.
So, raise your thumbs in yeshivish discourse and say: “IF…. Black lives matter, lives that have been routinely discarded and abused…IF Black lives really do matter, then so do all those other groups who have not been so abused.”
It’s a strange logic, but, in a sad way, it works. It starts with Black lives, because they have been most oppressed for the longest. But it doesn’t end there. It’s about changing the way people think about human dignity. Once we correct the record, once we say that Black lives are not worth just 3/5 the value of a white life, then we can move on to confirming the equal value of all lives. Once we own up to the 4,743 lynchings that have taken place in this country, the stench of Jim Crow, the murders, the mass incarceration, and the systemic racism that is still rendering my neighbors’ lives less valuable than mine even with regard to Covid, we will then come to recognize that all lives have dignity, and that matters. (Note that during the Holocaust, a Jewish life was deemed to not be worth even one cent!)
That’s why Jews should support Black Lives Matter – to show how we can be and must be firm allies to our neighbors in writing the wrongs of history. And now is the precisely the time to do it.
It’s about shared suffering and empathy. It’s about John Lewis, whose speech to Emory graduates rang through the Capitol Rotunda while his body lay in state, when he recalled the three young people who were murdered by the Klan in that fateful summer in Mississippi, James Chaney, Andrew Goodman and Michael Schwerner, two white Jews and a non-Jewish African American. And they did not die in Vietnam, Lewis said, or in Eastern Europe or Central America; but right here, in America, simply trying to help all our citizens to participate in the democratic process.
After what we saw happen to George Floyd and others, how could we not be anything but completely supportive – and mobilized?
I’m fully aware that some Black leaders don’t like Jews. It goes both ways, I must add – and we must be the bridge. You can have your Lewis Farrakhans and Meir Kahanes and I’ll take John Lewis – and Elijah Cummings, whose Youth Program in Baltimore has sent over 200 teens to Israel over the past twenty years.
The Jewish Council of Public Affairs (JCPA) represents nearly 150 Jewish community relations councils, agencies and denominations. This is no radical group. It is as mainstream as it gets. Here’s what they say about Black Lives Matter and concerns raised about anti-Semitism and Israel.
BLM’s 14 Guiding Principles and its 2020 goals and focus – indeed, its entire website – makes no mention of Israel, and neither does its platform or its 2020 legislative agenda. There are, invariably, some Israel critics, even anti-Semites, among those leading or supporting the fight for racial justice in this country, as there are among any comparably large group of people. But this fact should not preclude participation in in the fight for equality in the U.S. …These positions do not represent the entire movement, only a small group.
There are those who want to divide us – and they are primarily neither Black nor Jewish, nor, I should add, Jews of color, as ethnic classification is never binary. There are those who want to lure Jews into distrusting Blacks and other minorities. There are those who try to push the victim button that has infected Jews with fear and chauvinism.
Don’t fall for it – and don’t let your elderly relatives fall for it, they who are the most susceptible to emotional manipulation. Share these words with them:
Hello Bubbe and Zayde! Good Yontiff! You look great, Kenahora! How’s the weather?
Now listen to me. The most Jewish thing we can do is embrace this moment of coming together and righting the wrongs of the past. Don’t listen to the haters.
We have faced anti-Semitism from all sides, from the left and from the right. But there is no moral equivalence here. We know that the primary danger comes not from the Black community or Black Lives Matter, but from those who killed our people at prayer in Pittsburgh and Poway and who killed Blacks in churches in Charleston and Birmingham. Those murders all have the same return address.
Let us not be distracted. The D.H.S has declared White Supremacy to be “the most persistent and lethal threat” to the US through 2021. White supremacists have used the strategy of racist “divide and conquer” from the beginning of time – but it won’t work now. Their time has run out. It ran out during those 8 minutes and 46 seconds when George Floyd was murdered on May 25.
In that moment, the call was heard, from the flagpoles of NASCAR to the Washington Football Team. From Fort Bragg to the NBA bubble, to Aunt Jemima’s kitchen. In that moment, the greatest sin of all time began, at long last, to unravel.
Everything changed with that knee on the neck. And our stiff-necked people will rise up for justice; we will rise up to repair the world.
But first, we will take a knee in solidarity.
Which is exactly what I did on the first day of Rosh Hashanah.
And then I proclaimed:
We now have our knee on racism’s neck. And if we pursue our mission with determination and love, there is nothing that the White Supremacists and their enablers will be able to do about it.
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Rabbi Joshua Hammerman’s new book is Embracing Auschwitz: Forging a Vibrant, Life-Affirming Judaism that Takes the Holocaust Seriously