Wednesday, January 23, 2013

The Lapid Factor

Below I've posted an excellent morning-after summary of the electoral mood of Israel, from TBE's Jan Gaines. Jan and I often stand on different sides of the political spectrum, but I agree with this assessment 100%. Lapid is someone I've been keeping an eye on and he is legit on many of the issues that are near and dear to American Jews, including religious pluralism.  I opened my Kol Nidre Sermon with a story Lapid recalled at APIAC, where he spoke eloquently about his father's miraculous escape from the Nazis as a child in Budapest.  He also spoke to Conservative rabbis at the Rabbinical Assembly convention last spring.  That in itself was remarkable for an Israeli politician.  He is, as Jan mentions, a member of a Conservative (Masorti) shul in Israel.  

Here's a where Lapid talks about religious pluralism and why it's important.



In the end, Lapid is a politician and may give in to the temptations of the moment.  But never before has there been more potential to bridge the gaps between ultra-Orthodox and modernists - a group that includes secular Israelis and progressive or modern Orthodox Jews who want to engage the modern world rather than flee it or deny its existence.  

If you want to hear more about Lapid's vision in his own words, his recent column in the Times of Israel.

Here's Jan's report:


Dear Friends,

  The Israeli elections are over and while the results are not official but rather based on exit polls, the outcome is pretty well known.  Likud took a hit and both Labor and the new Yesh Atid (meaning "There is a future") Yair Lapid party came out strong.

  I want to emphasize that while American Jewish left wing groups like J Street may be celebrating,  this election was not at all about the Palestinian problem. Most Israelis know nothing can happen unless the Palestinians are willing to acknowledge the right of Israel to exist. And that isn't happening.

  Rather, this election was about domestic issues.  The big one, and the one which brought Yesh Atid into existence, is the issue of who serves in the army and in national service;  who doesn't, and where the money is going to subsidize those who don't serve in either one. Add to that the high cost of housing,the problems with the education system, and the deeply resented power of the ultra-Orthodox over conversion, marriage and divorce, and you have the reasons for the turn to center and left. And this is a good thing for the health of the country.  If the eventual coalition that Netanyahu forms excludes Shas, that will be reason enough for the outcome of this election.

  Lapid has stated emphatically that he will not bring his party into a coalition that includes Shas.  And since he is now in a very strong position to form a new coalition, that may actually happen.  Perhaps we are seeing, finally, a weakening of the strangle hold that Shas and other ultra Orthodox parties have had on the country.

  It is also interesting to note the composition of the Yesh Atid party, which Lapid put together. The No. 2 person is an Orthodox rabbi and the No. 17 person (who never expected to make it into the Knesset) is an American Haredi rabbi who has vowed to work for equal treatment for Reform and Conservative (Masorti) Judaism.  There are 2 Ethiopians, several women, Russians and activists for social change.  And Lapid himself goes to a Masorti synagogue in Tel Aviv!

  As for the Labor party, the oldest, veteran party in the country, the leader is a former  female TV commentator (like Lapid) who campaigned totally on local issues, especially demanding that the 2013 budget include funding for all of the social issues I've mentioned, with housing and education emphasized.  Labor is where the young activists from the demonstrations two summers ago landed.

  Netanyahu was smart in not doing anything about draft reform and housing reform until after the election, taking a chance that he would garner more support in the future.  He was very mistaken to have formed an alliance with Israel Beitenu whose leader, Liberman, helped to bring down the Likud as a result. But Bibi is a canny politician and will be able to maneuver Likud into a coaltion with Lapid and Labor hopefully. 

   Finally, it appears that the Anglo Israeli population voted for both Lapid and secondarily Bibi.  From my own group of friends and acquaintances, it was overwhelmingly Lapid where previously they had been Likud voters, and only secondarily Likud and coming in 3rd was Labor.In Raanana according to the J Post it was similar with Likud preferred and Naftali Bennett who comes from Raanana, coming in strong.  Bennett did not do as well with his Strong Home party, to the right of Likud but he did revive the dormant national religious body of voters who had almost faded away.

  So that is my take on the election.  The official results will be announced either today or tomorrow.  After the paper ballots have been counted.  I get a real kick out of the system here. There are no voting machines.  Each of the 32 parties running had a Hebrew letter or letters as identifying each one.  You come into the voting booth, take one of the slips with the letter of your party on it, put it into an envelope, seal it and drop it into a cardboard box. Wow!! Antiquated?  At least there aren't any" hanging chads."  But Israel is a small country and can easily handle the primitive looking system. I myself panic every time because the identifying letters are not translated into English (or French) but only Russian and Arabic. So I had to memorize again and again the Hebrew letters before I went into the booth and then read them over several times to be sure I had the right letters for the party I wanted.  If you don't read Hebrew, you're in big trouble although I'm sure one of the official volunteers would help you.

  And in the end, it was a wonderful day. Everyone gets off work, the stores are open and running sales, and the weather was a gorgeous 74 degrees so everyone took their kids to a national park, zoo or nature reserve. After they voted  of course.

With about 66% voter turnout, that's better than the U.S.  More importantly, it shows that Israelis are thoughtful and want to make a real difference in their lives.  Democracy here may be chaotic but somehow it works.

  Jan Gaines

Kol Nidre Sermon 5773: A Jewish Culture of Life


Kol Nidre 5773 -  A Jewish Culture of Life
by Joshua Hammerman

Last March at the AIPAC Policy Conference I had the opportunity to listen to Yair Lapid, one of Israel’s best known TV journalists, who left his prime time spot to enter the fray of Israeli politics.  How well he does remains to be seen, but like his late father Tommy Lapid, his mere presence in the political arena will really shake things up.  Yair was speaking of his new book, a tribute to his father called “Memories after my Death,” and he told an incredible story:

It was Feb. 1945, and Tommy Lapid, 13, lived with his mother in a basement in the Budapest Ghetto.  Early one Monday morning, the Germans started liquidating the block Lapid’s family lived on.  At one point, as the Jews were being forced to gather in the square, a squadron of Russian planes buzzed over head, and in the commotion, Tommy Lapid hid behind a small public lavatory painted in green.  His mother pushed him inside and told him, “You need to pee now.”  The boy was scared, but he listened to his mother.  It’s hard to pee when it’s cold and people are shooting all around you, but he did.  And she closed the door behind him.  The convoy left without them. 

A few minutes later, of the 600 Jews who had gathered in the square, 598 were dead under the ice in the Danube River.  And Tommy Lapid and his mother stood in the street in Budapest, free.  But he had no place to go to.  So they went back to the ghetto, to the same basement, hoping only that the Russians would arrive before the next convoy was rounded up. 

Many years later, in 1986, Tommy Lapid went back to Budapest with Yair.  It was the first time in 40 years that Tommy had been there.  They were walking on the street and suddenly Tommy burst into tears.  There was nothing there – except for a small public lavatory, painted in green.  He said – this is the place.  And there they were, two grown men, stroking the peeling green walls of a public lavatory.  And the Hungarians were walking and glancing at them warily, Yair says. “They must have thought we were nuts!” 

“But we were not nuts!” he adds. “We were a statistical error.  My father was supposed to be dead and I was never supposed to be born.” 

That green bathroom became their Wailing Wall, a holy place, a symbol of the precariousness of life.  To be that close to death is something that most of us cannot imagine.  That was the precise point where life meets death – where heaven and earth intersect.

Mircea Eliade, the great scholar of religion, calls that point an axis mundi, a cosmic axis – a place holier beyond all others precisely because it is where life is elevated and death defeated.  In some cultures, it is the highest mountain, like Mt. Fuji or Mt Kilimanjaro.   In others, it is a man made structure, like the pyramids, or a pagoda, a steeple or a minaret, all reaching for the heavens, all seeking to transcend life and defeat death.  And in some cultures it is not a place, but a time – like Yom Kippur. 

Yom Kippur is the holiest time, when the holiest person, the high priest, would enter the holiest place – the Holy of Holies in the temple and utter the holiest sound – God’s ineffable name.  And at that moment, that person, in that place, hovered between life and death.  No one knew if the Cohen Gadol would survive.  No one else could go in with him, so they tied a rope around his ankle so that if he died in there, so they could pull him out. 

There is no known occurrence of a high priest actually dying on Yom Kippur, so the odds were in their favor; unlike the fictitious “Hunger Games” where, in a dystopian, Darwinian setting, two dozen teenage children are selected by lottery to fight to the death, with only one allowed to survive.

Yom Kippur is the Jewish version of the “Hunger Games.”  The hunger is real, but fortunately, our flirtations with death are purely symbolic, and the opponents we battle are not other people, but our own inner demons. The white garment we wear, the kittel, is, symbolically, a death shroud.  Anthropologists suggest that white is symbolic of death because the lifeless body turns that color. It also symbolizes our purification in this day long trial by fire.   And the synagogue is bathed in white on the Day of Awe.  The Torahs, the table coverings, some wear special all white tallises. 

In many ways the opposite of white is not black, but red.  Red is the color of blood, and blood is the stuff of life.  But with life comes temptation and sin, with blood comes bloodshed, and with bloodshed comes impurity.   Isaiah states (1:18) – “Even though your sins be like crimson, they can turn snow white. Red as dyed wool, they can become like fleece.”  

And so, on Yom Kippur, the fast becomes a day-long purification ritual, a dangerous journey right up to that third rail, that place where life and death meet, and the fast becomes a means toward a simulated death, a death of all things physical – and the prelude to a rebirth at day’s end.  On Yom Kippur we are born again, as we are on the wedding day, a day when it is also traditional to fast, when our old selves die and something very new is born.

In a sense, our task on Yom Kippur is to channel those moments of death and rebirth that have molded us, and return to that place, that bathroom in Budapest, the place that in our lives marked the nexus between life and death – our own personal Holy of Holies.  That moment in time when death was nearest, when we realized how precious life can be.  We’ve all had that place.  We’ve all had that time – when we saw the colors of the world with extreme clarity.  And then we thank God for life, and we cling to it all the more earnestly, we hold on tight.  We are that goat, the one that won the lottery and escaped death, hence its name, the scape-goat, the one sent out to the Wilderness.  And we realize that purely arbitrarily and through sheer luck, we survived the lottery that was Auschwitz.  How lucky we are.

Tommy Lapid went into a urinal to pee and he lived.  My grandparents decided to come to America, and I lived.  And because of that, I was born, while six million died, and because of the accident of my birth, I have a responsibility to appreciate life and to choose life.
Time and time again, Moses says in Deuteronomy, “Choose life, so you and your children may live.”  That, in a nutshell, is the message of Yom Kippur. And in this post Holocaust era, we chose life because we were selected for death- and we lived.

Somehow, in our day, this reverence for life has gotten all mixed up in partisan politics – so it is time to step back and take another look.  At this moment when we are all closest to death, if only symbolically, we need to affirm that reverence for life is too precious to be politicized or outsourced to any interest group.  It is an overriding value, and it belongs to us all.

As I mentioned last week, I visited Colorado this summer, and on a whim one afternoon in the Denver area, we decided to visit Columbine.  Another holy place, for the saddest of reasons.  April 20, 1999.  Twelve students and one teacher gunned down.  The memorial is lovely, a peaceful, beautiful homage on a hillside facing the Rockies. 

For each victim, there is a large plaque with an inscription written by family members.  On one plaque, memorializing Daniel Lee Rohrbough, age 15, a question appears: “Dad.  I have a question.  Why?”  And then the answer, written in stone:  “Son, in a Nation that legalized the innocent killing of children in the womb…in a Godless school system your life was taken….Dan, I’m sorry.” 

So, for this father, Daniel’s murder had less to do with two crazed killers named Eric Harris and Dylan Klebold than on a ruling handed down by the Supreme Court in 1973. 
I tried to put myself in the position of this father – the anger he must feel – anger at a country that has let him down.  And I tried to understand that.  I’m sure I would be angry too.  If I were one of the bereaved parents of Columbine, I would be angry too.  I would be angry at a country that seemed not to value the life of my child enough to make it safer.  For me, the issue would be the guns – the guns and the hatred of anyone who is different.  For him, it was all about abortion.  For both of us, though, there is a common denominator.  We have a common complaint.  Life has become cheap in 21st century America. 

We have become numb to all the killing.  Whether the video games or the bullying or abortion or a society that has gone insanely gun-crazy, or whether it’s simply because we don’t see death the way our ancestors did – back in the day where we didn’t sweep the frail and sick  away to die in isolation.  Or maybe we’ve just gotten numb to seeing wars on TV or in the movies, where you push a button in New Mexico and an unmanned drone kills someone in Afghanistan… where fantasy and reality blend to the point where they are unrecognizable one from the other, where one second an evil killer is massacring people on the streets of Gotham City on the screen and the next, a real life Joker is spraying a movie theater with automatic gunfire. 

Oh sure, we all pretend to be shocked.  But are we really?  Or have we simply forgotten how precious life is.  Have we become numb to all the killing?

We need a reaffirmation of a culture of life.  It’s really not about abortion or guns or euthanasia or smoking or video games, or Hollywood or capital punishment or teen suicide or drugs or alcohol: It’s about all of them, and then some. It’s about life.

Our Torah demands it: Choose life!  But can we find common ground?  Can this seeming 
unbridgeable canyon be spanned?

We all know that the issue of life has dogged every presidential campaign, in one form or another, for decades.  We can’t seem to shake it.  And it’s only getting worse.  It was a rude awakening for me to drive through Middle America this summer and see enormous billboards of dead fetuses where one would expect to see an ad for Motel 6 or Wall Drug. 
But maybe there is a way.

Last April, Connecticut became the 17th state to eliminate the death penalty in future prosecutions, the fifth in the past five years.  Nationally, the tide appears to be turning away from the death penalty, as even some capital punishment supporters are beginning to be troubled at the extent to which human error has claimed innocent life.  Since 1973, 138 prisoners sentenced to death were later exonerated. And those are only the mistakes that were caught in time. We have no idea how many were not.

Judaism has much to teach on that score, and some of those lessons could help bridge the gap between social conservatives and liberals.

Since the days of the Bible, Jews have always been reluctant to impose the death penalty. The Torah mandates it for 36 offenses, ranging from murder to kidnapping, adultery, incest, rape, idolatry, apostasy, disrespecting parents and desecrating the Sabbath. But during the rabbinic period, the sages effectively abolished capital punishment, understanding that while most convicted murderers may indeed be guilty, if only one innocent person is hanged by the state, all citizens of that state are guilty of murder.  

In Israel, where Jewish law is taken quite seriously, not even terrorists with blood on their hands are put to death. Only those convicted of crimes against humanity can be executed (thus far, only Adolf Eichmann).  But otherwise, we always need to err on the side of life.  Judaism is, in the truest sense of the term, “pro-life.”
So back here in Connecticut, T.R. Rowe, a Republican, crossed party lines to support the death penalty repeal. While siding with the Democrats, he then challenged that those who protect the “worst of the worst” should also protect the ones who are most innocent of all, as he put it: those not yet born.

In this polarized political climate, one legislator’s crossing of the aisle is nearly as noteworthy – and miraculous – as the crossing of the Red Sea.  Rowe is to be commended for pushing us to step out from behind political and denominational barricades and seek a bipartisan dialogue, and also an interfaith conversation that aims to protect innocent life while also safeguarding our precious liberties.

We can find that in the Jewish approach. Judaism always seeks to defend the imperiled, even to the point of allowing the desecration of the Sabbath when it can save a life.  But the threat to life must be immediate, not potential or theoretical.

Even were capital punishment proven to deter potential murderers – and that is not the case – the prospect of potentially saving a life in the future is trumped by the very real possibility that an innocent life, that of a wrongly accused prisoner, might be taken now. A Jewish culture of life would demand that the death penalty either be repealed or, if remaining on the books, rarely be implemented.

But what of abortion? Here too, for Judaism, the immediate trumps the theoretical. The sages did not advocate abortion on demand. They just simply made it clear that when the choice is between saving a real human life, in this case the mother, or a potential human being, the unborn child, the real takes precedence over the potential. The prevailing Jewish view is that a fetus is not a fully realized human being until it is born. Since it is not human at conception or while in utero, a culture of life would imply, from a Jewish perspective, that the focus be on the life of the mother until the moment of birth. For many rabbis, that concept extends to less immediate but still perilous threats to the mother’s physical and mental health.  As long as the fetus remains in her body, it is the mother’s life and health that matter most, though as a pregnancy progresses toward birth, more consideration is given to the life of the fetus, much like Roe v. Wade.

To repeat, a culture of life would imply, from a Jewish perspective, that the priority be on the life of the mother.  And on this, there is little debate among the different Jewish denominations.

It is possible for our society to promote a culture of life, but only when there is first a culture of dialogue and consensus building. Rep. Rowe has courageously demonstrated that such potential exists, even in this polarized environment. Religious groups can set an example by engaging in vigorous interfaith dialogue rather than latching onto one political party or another and attempting to impose their own parochial vision on the state.  Where there is first consensus building, religious values can inform public policy-making.
There is a broad consensus that the state must protect innocent human life. No government should be guilty of allowing innocent human beings to die.  I think we can all agree on that.  It’s a good place for a respectful dialogue to begin, one where religious groups can be active participants, as voices of conscience and wisdom, promoting reasoned argument rather than partisanship.

But the state should not attempt to define conclusively when we become human beings, when human life begins, since there is no possibility of consensus on that issue. That is a matter between pastor and congregant, a question of personal conscience and faith rather than public law.  The government should never play favorites on matters of faith.
A culture that reveres life is a worthy goal. To get there, we must first cultivate a culture of dialogue.

America is ready for that.  In a recent CNN poll, only 15 percent of the population wants abortion to illegal in all circumstances.  88% say it should be legal if a woman’s life is in danger.  83% when the pregnancy was caused by rape or incest.  But only 35% say it should always be legal, under all circumstances.  So the majority is looking for middle ground, and there is middle ground to be had.  A Gallup poll reports similar results, and the numbers have not changed much going back to 2004.

We need to get beyond the notion of Pro Life and Pro Choice, as if those in one camp reject all choice and those in the other are insensitive to life.   After all, Deuteronomy included both sides in one phrase.  The verse says “Choose Life.”

Is there a middle ground on gun control too?  I hope to God there is, though no one seems to want to talk about it.  You know, in Israel there are hate crimes, there has been terrorism and war, there is more pent up frustration and fear than we can imagine, there are definitely crazy people, and you see soldiers with guns all over the place.  But you don’t see random mass killings of the type we see here.  Maybe it’s because, ironically, Israelis are happier – as surveys have shown.  Maybe it’s because they feel more connected, that their lives are more purposeful.  I don’t know, but we need for our society to choose life.

Is there common ground on other sensitive life and death issues, like euthanasia?  Fortunately, this is one issue that has receded from the realm of public hysteria.  There are no Karen Ann Quinlans or Terri Schiavos engulfing us at the moment in this country, and in Israel there is consensus on the proper course of treatment for Ariel Sharon, who has been comatose for 5 1/2 years – so maybe this is an opportunity for reflective conversation.

Brain death is one of the most discussed halachic issues of our times.  Tradition demands that we preserve life but also that we show reverence to the dead.  These values conflict, especially when other lives are at stake.  If a brain-dead patient is still considered alive but we harvest his organs, have we not killed him?  But if we don’t harvest his organs, aren’t we condemning someone else to death because of our inaction?  The Conservative Movement accepts medical definitions of brain death as sufficient to declare a patient dead, but recently there has been a growing dispute among Orthodox rabbinic groups.  (A recent article describes how) In 1991, the Rabbinical Council of America adopted the brain death standard, which America’s ultra-Orthodox Agudath Israel opposed.  And “in 2010 the RCA published a 110-page brief effectively reversing its previous position. Though the document declares that it is “not intended as a formal ruling,” its thrust is that an observant Jew should donate organs only after the cessation of breathing (by which time many organs are medically unusable).”

These halachic disputes can get pretty intense, but from a rabbinic standpoint, it is possible for more than one option to be acceptable.   That’s because our tradition recognizes something very important that every religious system and government should recognize: we aren’t God.  We really can’t know when life truly begins and ends.
That boundary.  That boundary between life and death.  Despite all our scientific advances, life remains the ultimate mystery.  The ultimate curiosity.  That rover we landed on Mars this summer is fittingly called “Curiosity.” It’s doing a lot of research but it really has one task and one task only – to see if life ever existed on that lonely planet, even billions of years ago, when its atmosphere might have made life there more sustainable.  Such proof will go a long way toward determining whether or not we are truly alone in this universe. 

Life is so hard to produce. Ask any couple trying to get pregnant.  It’s not so simple.  Think of that panda in Washington.  Maybe that’s why God had to make and destroy many worlds before settling on ours, to return to that Midrash I quoted last week. Maybe it was not a moral universe that God was striving and failing to achieve – but one that could simply sustain life.  The fact that we remain the only known speck in the universe where life exists serves as an additional reminder that life is so holy and precious. 

That is why we revere those who are willing to risk their lives for the sake of others. 
When we traveled out west this summer, Columbine was not the only place we visited where life and death have intersected.  In South Dakota, we decided to take a long detour, several hours out of our way, to a remote place near the Badlands of South Dakota.  A place called Wounded Knee.

On that spot, on December 29, 1890, the U.S. 7th Cavalry Regiment surrounded an encampment of Native Americans on the Lakota Pine Ridge Indian Reservation.  A shot was fired, we don’t know why, and in the ensuing melee, the 7th Cavalry opened fire indiscriminately from all sides, killing men, women, and children, including some of their fellow troopers.  A few of the tribal leaders had guns and fired away as well, emboldened, according to the marker at the site, by a tribal practice at the time called “Ghost Dancing,” where they believed that they were wearing magical garments that would protect them from the white man’s weapons.  They believed that they could defeat death, that a messiah would raise them all up from the dead.  By the time the dust had cleared, up to 300 Lakota were dead, and Army fatalities stood at 25.  When the surviving Lakota fled unarmed, many were hunted down and killed.

The bodies littered the ravine below the road, and although most were later removed and buried in a cemetery at the top of the hill, the ravine still has a lumpy, unnatural look to it, reminiscent of the mass graves of Maidanek…  Or maybe the banks of the Danube near Tommy Lapid’s Budapest.

This description of events on the sign at Wounded Knee was disturbing to me – it conveyed a sense of blaming the victim.  Was this massacre in fact caused by some primitive cult of death, this so called “Ghost Dancing?”  A local museum points the blame at the big city newspapers, which, looking to boost circulation, painted the tribe and this practice as bloodthirsty and savage for practicing what the called a “primitive cult of death.”  Other historical accounts downplay the impact of the ritual.  But the sign that I read, endorsed by the tribal leaders, makes clear that “Ghosting” will remain part of the official story of Wounded Knee.  In effect, they were taking some responsibility for a massacre perpetrated upon them. 

Wow.

What does that mean?  It means that the very descendents of the Lakota who were massacred were looking to teach their own children, about the need, above all else, to choose life, to avoid risky behavior, much like how we warn our kinds about the dangers of drugs and alcohol. The crimes done to Native Americans will forever be a stain on our nation’s conscience.  But despite it all, the message of that memorial, for all of us, is that we need to embrace a culture of life.  And a culture of life is a culture of responsibility.
“Lo ha metim yehalleu yah,” the Psalmist says, “The dead shall not praise God.” There is nothing that we can do to change the past.  But there is much that we can do for our children. That is what amazed me at Wounded Knee.  They chose life, so that their children may live.

Over the next 24 hours, this is that sacred place where life and death will intersect, where others have died but we have been granted a reprieve, the miraculous gift of more time here on earth.  Never forget the real cult of death that we experienced seven decades ago.

As we journey though this day, may we recall those sacred places - Tommy Lapid’s green lavatory, the classrooms of Columbine and the ravines of Wounded Knee. The Holy of Holies in Jerusalem, the crowded cabins of the ships that brought my grandparents across the sea, and wherever your life was saved, whatever brought you to this place and time.  For the next 24 hours, this sanctuary becomes our holy of holies.  It becomes that place where we rediscover the precious gift of simply being alive.

Legend has it that the Book of Life will remain open throughout this sacred day, only to be sealed at nightfall tomorrow.  And that sealing of the book will mark not our deaths but our return to the realm of the normal. But even as we reenter the day to day world, as we break the fast and end these Hunger Games, we will sit down to round foods, nourishing our bodies with the earth’s bounty.  The round foods, the egg, the hallah, the bagel, they will bring us back into the cycle of normalcy, of life.  And they will remind us, always, that ours is a culture of life.  And they will remind us, always, that – even as we protect the right to choose – we must choose life, so that our children may live. 

Tuesday, January 22, 2013

Cantor Mordecai at NYC Kabbala Day


annual day of kabbalah! from chabad to madonna: the influence of kabbalah on modern times

Explore how kabbalistic ideas have permeated all denominations of Judaism, turned into a growing part of the self help industry, become a part of pop culture and a Sarah Silverman punch line. Rather than bemoan the loss of Kabbalistic purity or celebrate its mass appeal, this day presents top academic inquiry by renowned teachers of kabbalah seeking to understand its visible and invisible influence on modern life.Stay tuned for more information on teachers and topics!Co-sponsored by Rabbi Naftali Citron and The Carlebach Shul, Sinai Live Books, Congregation B'nai Jeshurun, and The Jewish Week.
Highlights!

*Rabbi Asher Crispe on Kabbalah at the Movies and Modern Scientific Advances and Kabbalah

*Dr. Karen Starr on Kabbalah on the Couch: Mysticism and Psychoanalysis

*Rabbi Simon Jacobson on Kabbalistic Roots of Chabad and New Age Thought and Kabbalah

*Rabbi Naftali Citron on Kabbalistic Meditation and A Timeline Revealing Kabbalah in Modern Life

*Dr. Sharon Flatto on Jewish Prayer and Practice and Kabbalah

*Daniel Matt on Kabbalah and the Big Bang and Kabbalah's Widespread Access: Blessing or Curse?

Cantor George Mordecai, special musical guest!


Sun, Feb 3
9:30 AM - 5:30 PM
$45.00 All
$45 pre-registration, $60 at the door
MAKDAY00W3
    
For more information, or to register, please call 646-505-5708.

Monday, January 21, 2013

MLK Letter From Birmingham Jail 1963

Appropriate reading for MLK Day.  For full text, click here.



My Dear Fellow Clergymen:
While confined here in the Birmingham city jail, I came across your recent statement calling my present activities "unwise and untimely." Seldom do I pause to answer criticism of my work and ideas. If I sought to answer all the criticisms that cross my desk, my secretaries would have little time for anything other than such correspondence in the course of the day, and I would have no time for constructive work. But since I feel that you are men of genuine good will and that your criticisms are sincerely set forth, I want to try to answer your statement in what I hope will be patient and reasonable terms.

I think I should indicate why I am here in Birmingham, since you have been influenced by the view which argues against "outsiders coming in." I have the honor of serving as president of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference, an organization operating in every southern state, with headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia. We have some eighty five affiliated organizations across the South, and one of them is the Alabama Christian Movement for Human Rights. Frequently we share staff, educational and financial resources with our affiliates. Several months ago the affiliate here in Birmingham asked us to be on call to engage in a nonviolent direct action program if such were deemed necessary. We readily consented, and when the hour came we lived up to our promise. So I, along with several members of my staff, am here because I was invited here. I am here because I have organizational ties here.

But more basically, I am in Birmingham because injustice is here. Just as the prophets of the eighth century B.C. left their villages and carried their "thus saith the Lord" far beyond the boundaries of their home towns, and just as the Apostle Paul left his village of Tarsus and carried the gospel of Jesus Christ to the far corners of the Greco Roman world, so am I compelled to carry the gospel of freedom beyond my own home town. Like Paul, I must constantly respond to the Macedonian call for aid.

Moreover, I am cognizant of the interrelatedness of all communities and states. I cannot sit idly by in Atlanta and not be concerned about what happens in Birmingham. Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere. We are caught in an inescapable network of mutuality, tied in a single garment of destiny. Whatever affects one directly, affects all indirectly. Never again can we afford to live with the narrow, provincial "outside agitator" idea. Anyone who lives inside the United States can never be considered an outsider anywhere within its bounds.
... 

We know through painful experience that freedom is never voluntarily given by the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed. Frankly, I have yet to engage in a direct action campaign that was "well timed" in the view of those who have not suffered unduly from the disease of segregation. For years now I have heard the word "Wait!" It rings in the ear of every Negro with piercing familiarity. This "Wait" has almost always meant "Never." We must come to see, with one of our distinguished jurists, that "justice too long delayed is justice denied."

We have waited for more than 340 years for our constitutional and God given rights. The nations of Asia and Africa are moving with jetlike speed toward gaining political independence, but we still creep at horse and buggy pace toward gaining a cup of coffee at a lunch counter. Perhaps it is easy for those who have never felt the stinging darts of segregation to say, "Wait." But when you have seen vicious mobs lynch your mothers and fathers at will and drown your sisters and brothers at whim; when you have seen hate filled policemen curse, kick and even kill your black brothers and sisters; when you see the vast majority of your twenty million Negro brothers smothering in an airtight cage of poverty in the midst of an affluent society; when you suddenly find your tongue twisted and your speech stammering as you seek to explain to your six year old daughter why she can't go to the public amusement park that has just been advertised on television, and see tears welling up in her eyes when she is told that Funtown is closed to colored children, and see ominous clouds of inferiority beginning to form in her little mental sky, and see her beginning to distort her personality by developing an unconscious bitterness toward white people; when you have to concoct an answer for a five year old son who is asking: "Daddy, why do white people treat colored people so mean?"; when you take a cross county drive and find it necessary to sleep night after night in the uncomfortable corners of your automobile because no motel will accept you; when you are humiliated day in and day out by nagging signs reading "white" and "colored"; when your first name becomes "nigger," your middle name becomes "boy" (however old you are) and your last name becomes "John," and your wife and mother are never given the respected title "Mrs."; when you are harried by day and haunted by night by the fact that you are a Negro, living constantly at tiptoe stance, never quite knowing what to expect next, and are plagued with inner fears and outer resentments; when you are forever fighting a degenerating sense of "nobodiness"--then you will understand why we find it difficult to wait. There comes a time when the cup of endurance runs over, and men are no longer willing to be plunged into the abyss of despair. I hope, sirs, you can understand our legitimate and unavoidable impatience. You express a great deal of anxiety over our willingness to break laws. This is certainly a legitimate concern. Since we so diligently urge people to obey the Supreme Court's decision of 1954 outlawing segregation in the public schools, at first glance it may seem rather paradoxical for us consciously to break laws. One may well ask: "How can you advocate breaking some laws and obeying others?" The answer lies in the fact that there are two types of laws: just and unjust. I would be the first to advocate obeying just laws. One has not only a legal but a moral responsibility to obey just laws. Conversely, one has a moral responsibility to disobey unjust laws. I would agree with St. Augustine that "an unjust law is no law at all."
...
In your statement you assert that our actions, even though peaceful, must be condemned because they precipitate violence. But is this a logical assertion? Isn't this like condemning a robbed man because his possession of money precipitated the evil act of robbery? Isn't this like condemning Socrates because his unswerving commitment to truth and his philosophical inquiries precipitated the act by the misguided populace in which they made him drink hemlock? Isn't this like condemning Jesus because his unique God consciousness and never ceasing devotion to God's will precipitated the evil act of crucifixion? We must come to see that, as the federal courts have consistently affirmed, it is wrong to urge an individual to cease his efforts to gain his basic constitutional rights because the quest may precipitate violence. Society must protect the robbed and punish the robber. I had also hoped that the white moderate would reject the myth concerning time in relation to the struggle for freedom. I have just received a letter from a white brother in Texas. He writes: "All Christians know that the colored people will receive equal rights eventually, but it is possible that you are in too great a religious hurry. It has taken Christianity almost two thousand years to accomplish what it has. The teachings of Christ take time to come to earth." Such an attitude stems from a tragic misconception of time, from the strangely irrational notion that there is something in the very flow of time that will inevitably cure all ills. Actually, time itself is neutral; it can be used either destructively or constructively. More and more I feel that the people of ill will have used time much more effectively than have the people of good will. We will have to repent in this generation not merely for the hateful words and actions of the bad people but for the appalling silence of the good people. Human progress never rolls in on wheels of inevitability; it comes through the tireless efforts of men willing to be co workers with God, and without this hard work, time itself becomes an ally of the forces of social stagnation. We must use time creatively, in the knowledge that the time is always ripe to do right. Now is the time to make real the promise of democracy and transform our pending national elegy into a creative psalm of brotherhood. Now is the time to lift our national policy from the quicksand of racial injustice to the solid rock of human dignity.
...

But the judgment of God is upon the church as never before. If today's church does not recapture the sacrificial spirit of the early church, it will lose its authenticity, forfeit the loyalty of millions, and be dismissed as an irrelevant social club with no meaning for the twentieth century. Every day I meet young people whose disappointment with the church has turned into outright disgust.

Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricably bound to the status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the inner spiritual church, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world. But again I am thankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have broken loose from the paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle for freedom. They have left their secure congregations and walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us. They have gone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. Yes, they have gone to jail with us. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishops and fellow ministers. But they have acted in the faith that right defeated is stronger than evil triumphant. Their witness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the gospel in these troubled times. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the dark mountain of disappointment. I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even if the church does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future. I have no fear about the outcome of our struggle in Birmingham, even if our motives are at present misunderstood. We will reach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal of America is freedom. Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America's destiny. Before the pilgrims landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before the pen of Jefferson etched the majestic words of the Declaration of Independence across the pages of history, we were here. For more than two centuries our forebears labored in this country without wages; they made cotton king; they built the homes of their masters while suffering gross injustice and shameful humiliation -and yet out of a bottomless vitality they continued to thrive and develop. If the inexpressible cruelties of slavery could not stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom because the sacred heritage of our nation and the eternal will of God are embodied in our echoing demands. Before closing I feel impelled to mention one other point in your statement that has troubled me profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping "order" and "preventing violence." I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force if you had seen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you would so quickly commend the policemen if you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroes here in the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negro girls; if you were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observe them, as they did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our grace together. I cannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department.
...
Never before have I written so long a letter. I'm afraid it is much too long to take your precious time. I can assure you that it would have been much shorter if I had been writing from a comfortable desk, but what else can one do when he is alone in a narrow jail cell, other than write long letters, think long thoughts and pray long prayers?

If I have said anything in this letter that overstates the truth and indicates an unreasonable impatience, I beg you to forgive me. If I have said anything that understates the truth and indicates my having a patience that allows me to settle for anything less than brotherhood, I beg God to forgive me.

I hope this letter finds you strong in the faith. I also hope that circumstances will soon make it possible for me to meet each of you, not as an integrationist or a civil-rights leader but as a fellow clergyman and a Christian brother. Let us all hope that the dark clouds of racial prejudice will soon pass away and the deep fog of misunderstanding will be lifted from our fear drenched communities, and in some not too distant tomorrow the radiant stars of love and brotherhood will shine over our great nation with all their scintillating beauty.

Yours for the cause of Peace and Brotherhood, Martin Luther King, Jr.

Friday, January 18, 2013

Shabbat-O-Gram For Jan. 18

Shabbat-O-Gram
In the wake of Newtown, it feels like a tipping point has been reached on the issue of gun violence.  I've been invited to participate in a select national gathering of clergy in Washington DC on January 28-29 to discuss, "Healing the Soul of America from Gun Violence."   We'll be speaking with Administration and Congressional officials abouthow religious groups can help to facilitate this national dialogue.  I look forward to reporting back to you on it.  See more on the effort to curb gun violence at the bottom of this O-Gram.  

What better time to discuss this subject than MLK weekend, when we celebrate the life - and reflect upon the violent death - of this great leader. 

See this Prayer for MLK Day.  Also, see the articles, Jews in the Civil Rights Movementand Jews and Blacks Entangled.

How fitting that the Inauguration coincide with Dr. King's birthday.  It came close to that four years ago (in a much more historic moment).  At the time I reflected on that historic juxtoposition.  As I wrote in the Jewish Week that week, for Jews, racism should now be officially over. 
  
"Look not at the flask," we learn in tractate Avot, "but at what is within it." Long before Gutenberg, Jews were teaching their children not to judge a book by its cover. But while our sages dared to hope for an end to worldwide prejudice and our liturgy resounds with the desire for Oneness, after services we retreat to psychological ghettos of similitude. We cry for unity but settle for uniformity. It is understandable to want to live among like-minded neighbors who can reinforce our deepest values. But somewhere along the line, we convinced ourselves that like-minded people have to look alike too.
Fortunately, the Internet generation has grown up in a much smaller world, where those barriers have begun to dissolve.... That old joke, "Funny, he doesn't look Jewish," isn't so funny anymore. With the proliferation of conversion, adoption, donor eggs and surrogate motherhood, too many Jews simply don't. Interracial Jewish couples are becoming more common both here and in Israel, where, while Ethiopian Jews still face challenges, the assimilation of Ashkenazim and Sephardim is nearly complete. Increasingly, we've become fascinated by exotic Jewish communities like the Abayudaya of Uganda, Cochin and Bene Israel of India, the Igbo of Nigeria and the Ethiopians. 


...The Jewish family tree is more colorful even than Barack Obama's. He may hail from Kenya and Kansas, but we come from Babylonia and Beverly Hills, Yemen and Ypsilanti, Toledo and, uh, Toledo, and in my case, Brooklyn and Brookline. Now that we live in a country where Deborah the judge and her sidekick Barak could each legitimately aspire to be President, we should pick up that flask and take a good, long drink.  

On MLK Weekend, nothing could taste sweeter.

Also, a reminder that morning minyan is at the special federal holiday tie of 9 AM on Monday.  And from the archives: We used to do congregational Shabbatons on MLK Weekend. Here are some photo albums: 20012002 and 2003.

Bee Season at T-Bee-E

With Tu B'Shevat coming next week, I thought it would be a nice idea to direct our thoughts to nature a little early.  On Shabbat morning, TBE's Beth Boyer will be discussing her fascinating hobby of beekeeping. 

This week we read the portion Bo, which includes some of the ten plagues.  Note that none of the plagues involves bees, though flying insects definitely get their due.  But in Jewish tradition, the bee has been less a foe than friend.  According to legend, King Solomon befriended a bee (it's a great children's story) and the heroine of next week's Haftarah, one of the great women in all of Jewish history is someone whose very name MEANS bee  (Deborah).  When the Torah calls Israel, "The Land of Milk and Honey," what does that mean?  Honey is something we eat for Rosh Hashonah, so what connection does honey have to Tu B'shevat? Come learn the answers and hear why honeybees are really gentle creatures, and why we can't live without them. 

Bees, like Jews, tend to be the canary in the mine shaft.  When people attack Jews, they eventually attack others.  And bees tend to be sensitive to environmental shifts long before we notice them.  Find out more this Shabbat morning. Service begins at 9:30, presentation around 11.

Oh yes, and Beth is bringing a hive with her (Bees not included, though).

Also this Shabbat, we will send off Elana Leichter, a 12 grader at Solomon Schechter High School in Westchester, who will be traveling with her class to Poland and Israel for the next two months.

Israeli Elections, and Beyond

The US inaugurates on Monday, and Israel votes on Tuesday.  All signs point to a new government that will veer rightward, though the final polls show a narrowing race, and Prime Minister Netanyahu has really no competition to take his place.  Hovering above it all is the specter of newly elected and emboldened leaders of both countries who simply do not trust each other.  See "An Obama-Netanyahu Primer" and Jeffrey Goldberg's report on what Barack Obama had to say about Bibi - perhaps a tit-for-tat interjection into the Israeli election campaign, after Netanyahu's perceived buddying up to Mitt Romney.

However the Israeli election turns out, you'll get first hand analysis here next weekend from our scholar in residence Gershom Gorenberg.  On Friday night his topic will be, "How it Broke, How to Fix it: The Crisis of Israeli Democracy," and on Shabbat morning, "Isdael and the Diaspora: A New Relation for a New Generation."  Don't miss it!


The Coolest Temple Rock Ever

Have you made reservations yet for Temple Rock Café on Feb.2nd?  I've heard on excellent authority that the entertainer, Dave Binder, is a favorite among students at a certain Ivy League university in providence, R.I., appearing at Spring Weekend every year.  How's that for an endorsement!   Just check out his schedule!  Read more about him here and by all means, make reservations here.
March for Change: Feb. 14

We had a marvelous briefing session on gun violence and effecting change here last Sunday evening, targeted (pardon the expression) to teens and parents and coordinated by Rabbi Dardashti and Rob Lesser.   A new congregant active in this cause sent me the following update as we begin recruitment efforts to send a large TBE delegation to the March for Change to take place in Hartford on Feb. 14:

In the days following the shootings at Newtown, a group of women from across Fairfield County, came together out of a strong desire to do something to promote change, so that this tragedy did not happen in vain. The women, mothers of babies, preschoolers, and/ or school-age children, all expressed the same sentiment:  "Enough senseless violence in our community!"  The asked the same question: "What can WE do to help spread this message?"

This group has evolved into a non-partisan grassroots movement advocating for sensible changes to help prevent gun violence, called The E.N.O.U.G.H. Campaign. I am proud to be part of this growing movement and support like-minded movements addressing this issue with sensible solutions. We believe in Empowering the Non-violent Opposition to Unnecessary Guns in Homes. We are encouraging others concerned about gun violence to feel more comfortable discussing the relevant issues, as there can me much reluctance to discuss "touchy" subjects. Additionally, we are providing support to those who want to express their concerns to lawmakers. Because, right now, law makers ARE listening, and it is indeed possible to make a difference.  As many who know the political landscape well say, the power to change will come from the public, when they say that they have had enough.

We are encouraging the public to have a voice. In addition to emailing, calling, or visiting lawmakers, one thing that everyone can do (of any age) is to come to Hartford on Feb 14th, the two month anniversary of the Newtown tragedy, to participate in the March for Change. There will be buses running from all over CT, but you must register well in advance. Information about the march is: http://www.marchforchange.org/  and busing information is at:    http://www.ctmomsonline.com/marchforchange/  

For more information on The ENOUGH Campaign, please visit:
www.theENOUGHcampaign.com (website to be updated very soon) and visit us on Facebook (please "like" our page if you do).

Finally, I would like to sincerely thank the clergy at Temple Beth El for providing me the opportunity to talk about this important work, and for their commitment to helping our community and our world be the safest place we can make it.

Marni A., member Temple Beth El

Have a peaceful Shabbat, a great holiday wekeend - and GO PATS! 



 

Jews in the Civil Rights Movement - My Jewish Learning


Jews in the Civil Rights Movement - My Jewish Learning

Jews in the Civil Rights Movement

Working to extend America's freedoms.

By Howard Sachar

Reprinted with permission from A History of Jews in America, published by Vintage Books.
Nowhere did Jews identify themselves more forth­rightly with the liberal avant-garde than in the Civil Rights movement of the 1960s. It was an uneven identification. For Jews living in the South, the issue of racial integration posed unsettling questions. They constituted barely one percent of the region's total population. Among their white neighbors, they had long been accepted as "honorary white Protestants."
Even Senator Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi was prepared to draw distinctions between Northern Jews and "good" Southern Jews. The latter were circumspect, in any case, unprepared to question the South's social order.civil rights memorial
But in 1954 that social order was challenged head-on. It was then that the United States Supreme Court rendered its judgment in Brown v. Board of Education, striking down racial segregation in public schools. Within the next dozen years, as a series of federal laws and court orders shattered every legal support of racial segregation, Southern Jews faced an agony of indecision. A very small number responded by joining the ardent segregationists. They were entirely atypical of Jews even in the Deepest South.

Black-Jewish Relations in the South

As far back as the 19th century, Jewish storekeepers were virtually the only Southern merchants who addressed black customers as "Mr." and "Mrs." and permitted them to try on clothing. By the early 20th century, a few Southern Jews even ventured to speak out against the evils of white supremacy. In 1929, Louis Isaac Jaffe, editorial writer for the Norfolk Virginia-Pilot won the Pulitzer Prize for his denunciation of lynching and the reactionary Harry Byrd political machine.
Julius Rosenwald chairman of Sears Roebuck, contributed more generously in behalf of Southern blacks than did any philanthropist in American history. Rosenwald was Chicagoan, but his munificence was continued by his daughter, Edith Stern of New Orleans, whose Stern Family Fund in later years contributed vast sums to civil rights activities in the South. It was known, too, that Southern Jews privately tended to be more liberal on the race issue than Southern gentiles, and often quietly provided manpower and funds for civil rights causes.
Yet, away from large, modern cities like Atlanta and New Orleans, Southern Jews felt obliged to walk a narrow line. Most were merchants, dependent on the good will of their neighbors. In the Deep South, if they hesitated to join White Citizens Councils, they felt the pressure immediately. "The money dried up at the banks and loans were called in," recalled a Jewish storekeeper "If you had a restau­rant, linen was not picked up. If you owned a store, the local police could play havoc with you on the fire laws."

Low Profile

Most local Jews then tended to adopt a low profile on the race issue. At the express wish of their congregations, a majority of Southern rabbis similarly agreed to be restrained. No more than six or seven of them in the entire South worked openly to promote the cause of civil rights. But, of these, Rabbi Julian Feibelman of New Orleans opened the doors of his Temple Sinai in 1949 for a lecture by Ralph Bunche, the black United Nations ambassador, permitting the first major integrated audience in New Orleans history.
At the height of the anti-integration effort, in 1957, Rabbi Ira Sanders of Little Rock testified before the Arkansas Senate against pending segregationist bills. Rabbi Perry Nussbaum of Jack­son, Mississippi, also courageously lent his support to the integration effort, as did Rabbis Jacob Rothschild of Atlanta, Emmet Frank of Alexandria, and Charles Mantingand of Birmingham. Yet these men stood well ahead of their constituencies.
If Southern Jews believed that a low profile would permit them to continue living peacefully, they were wrong. Klan groups exploited the integration crisis to launch acts of anti-Semitic violence. In one year, from November 1957 through October 1958, temples and other Jewish communal edifices were bombed in Atlanta, Nashville, Jack­sonville, and Miami, and undetonated dynamite was found under synagogues in Birmingham, Charlotte, and Gastonia, North Carolina. Some rabbis received telephone death threats.
No one was injured, and local and state authorities in every instance joined newspapers and communal leaders in condemning the outrages and in tracking down, prosecuting, and convicting the perpetrators. Much of the South was urbanizing and modernizing, after all. But an older residue of folkloristic suspicion evidently survived even against veteran, local Jews.

Northern Jews

More than any other factor, it was the participation of Northern Jews in the Civil Rights movement that tapped that residue. These were the people, it is recalled, who were the earliest supporters of the fledg­ling National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. In 1914, Professor Emeritus Joel Spingarn of Columbia University be­came chairman of the NAACP and recruited for its board such Jewish leaders as Jacob Schiff, Jacob Billikopf, and Rabbi Stephen Wise.
Jews also were the earliest supporters of the Urban League, founded in New York in 1911 to help newly arrived black migrants from the rural South. The International Ladies Garment Workers Union and the Amal­gamated Clothing Workers took the lead in organizing "our black brothers" for union membership (over the opposition of the American Federation of Labor national board). And, in the climactic civil rights drives of the 1950s and 1960s, Jewish participation was all but overwhelming.
In the landmark 1954 Brown v. Board of Education ruling itself, the Supreme Court accepted the research of the black sociologist Kenneth Clark that segregation placed the stamp of inferi­ority on black children. Clark's study had been commissioned by the American Jewish Committee, and it appeared in the amicus curiae brief the Committee submitted to the court. The Anti-Defamation League and the American Jewish Congress also submitted amicus curiae briefs in behalf of the cause. Once the judgment was issued, these Jewish defense organizations continued to file legal briefs in civil rights cases dealing with housing, employment, education, and public accommodation. Many local and state desegregation regula­tions actually were drafted in the offices of the Jewish agencies.

Individual Heroes

Jewish participation in the Civil Rights movement far transcended institutional associations. One black leader in Mississippi es­timated that, in the 1960s, the critical decade of the voting-registration drives, "as many as 90 percent of the civil rights lawyers in Missis­sippi were Jewish." Large numbers of them were recent graduates of Ivy League law schools. They worked around the clock analyzing welfare standards, the bail system, arrest procedures, justice-of-the-peace rulings. Racing from one Southern town to another, they obtained parade permits and issued complaints on jail beatings and intimidation.
Jews similarly made up at least 30 percent of the white volunteers who rode freedom buses to the South, registered blacks, and picketed segregated establishments. Among them were several dozen Reform rabbis who marched among the demonstrators in Selma and Birming­ham. A number were arrested. Others were taken into custody for attempting to desegregate a swimming pool in St. Augustine, Florida. One of the demonstrating rabbis, Arthur Lelyveld, was severely beaten in Hattiesburg, Mississippi. A young physician, Edward Sachar, vol­unteering his medical services to the freedom marchers, nearly lost his life as his automobile was forced off a Mississippi back road by local rednecks.
Two young New Yorkers, Michael Schwerner and An­drew Goodman, served in 1964 as voting-registration volunteers in Meridian, Mississippi. One of their coworkers was a young black Mississippian, James Cheney. Together they were waylaid and mur­dered by Klansmen, their bodies dumped in a secret grave. As much as any single factor, it was the nationwide attention given the discov­ery of their corpses that accelerated passage of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The Jews had long since achieved their own political and economic breakthrough. Rarely had any community gone to such lengths to share its painfully achieved status with others.

Howard SacharHoward M. Sachar is the author of numerous books, including A History of IsraelA History of the Jews in AmericaFarewell EspanaIsrael and Europe, and A History of Jews in the Modern World. He is also the editor of the 39-volume The Rise of Israel: A Documentary History. He serves as Professor of Modern History at George Washington University.